Publications

Almost three decades ago, at a time when the rest of Europe was reveling in the peaceful conclusion of the Cold War, the former Yugoslavia imploded into a frenzy of internecine warfare and the consequences still weigh on the region. Yet while the war was still raging, on 25 May 1993, the UN Security Council established the International Criminal Tribunal for the Former Yugoslavia (ICTY) with an authority to prosecute and try individuals on four categories of offenses: grave breaches of the 1949 Geneva Conventions, violations of the laws or customs of war, genocide and crimes against humanity in (the now former) Yugoslavia.

The UK Summit in 2018 will be the last one of the current cycle of Western Balkans Summits,

dubbed “the Berlin Process”. Started in 2014 in Berlin, this process has provided a unique

contribution to WB6 regional cooperation, to investments in regional connectivity infrastructure,

and to the reforms engaged by WB6.

The Poll on Income and Living Conditions (SILC) conducted in Serbia in 2013, strikingly shows that inequality in Serbia is much larger than in any other EU country.

From 2007 to date, the demographic picture of Croatia as presented by basic demographic indicators (i.e. natural growth, net migration and total population change) shows features not typical for most EU countries. Since the beginning of the economic crisis, Croatia exhibited, in total, a natural decline (more deaths than births), a negative net migration balance, and a decline in population size. Moreover, Croatia belongs to a group of five EU countries (together with Lithuania, Latvia, Romania and Bulgaria) that recorded a loss of more than 3% of the total population during the observed period. From the beginning of 2007 until the end of 2016, Croatia lost around 160,000 people and this figure will likely to approach 200,000 by the end of…

The 21st century belongs to the digital economy: the growth of online businesses, e-commerce, the digitalization of industries and easy access to high speed Internet have brought about new challenges in an increasingly globalized world. What was twenty years ago only a small part of the economic trend, today is the mainstream.

Recently, the economic and labor market indicators in most countries of Central Eastern and South-eastern Europe have taken a positive turn once again. However, the social situation remains tense, precarious labor conditions have spread and convergence seems to be a long way away.

The left in Southeastern Europe is fragmented and characterized by significant mutual distrust between left and progressive political parties, donor funded or professional NGOs, and the emerging (populist or antagonistic) social movements and civil society in the region. The path towards democratic renewal in is necessarily predicated on a rapprochement between these three sides and the development of genuine forums, platforms, and channels for political organizing and mobilizing towards progressive policy objectives.

The recent change in government in Macedonia, a small (symbolic, yet important) step forward in

Bosnian-Serbian relations embodied by to the first Serbian presidential visit to Bosnia after six years,

and Montenegro’s final integration into NATO, have all provided a much needed dose of good news

in Southeast Europe.