Publications

A specter is haunting Southeast Europe — the specter of digital transformation. At least, that it is the hope by many in Europe and the region itself. Still largely defined by (the remains) of socialist (post) industrialism, Southeast Europe’s economic and social transition towards the digital frontier has been marked by incremental and irregular movement.

Since the outbreak of the latest financial and economic crisis in 2007/2008, at the very latest, it has become apparent that those of the usual economic theoretical models, especially the so-called neoclassical mainstream, and many of the economic policy recipes built upon them, have reached their limits. Leading economists failed to see the financial and economic crisis coming, nor have their economic-political recommendations resulted in a fast, sustainable solution to the crisis, least of all in Europe.

In recent times, the political landscape in both established and transitioning democracies has experienced the (i) the fragmentation of the left-wing political spectrum and (ii) the increasing success of populist, often right-wing, anti-establishment parties or movements. This report highlights important insights and points of contention from an international conference on these topics, which was hosted by the FES office in Bosnia and Herzegovina in July 2017.

The traditional narrative in the new democracies of Southeast Europe (SEE) – Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina (BiH), Bulgaria, Croatia, Kosovo, Macedonia, Romania, Serbia, and Slovenia – frequently blames young people for their precarious situation. However, these states and societies as a whole have not met the challenge of providing equal opportunities for the development of youth. Disillusionment and a sense of powerlessness deprive youth of their future and may undermine the prospects of SEE societies in general.

2017 was a major year in the advancement of women’s issues and women’s causes, indeed, one of the most significant in decades. The #MeToo campaign, and the campaigns which preceded it, cast into sharp relief the endemic culture of sexual assault and abuse that permeates much of the professional world. And while the focus was primarily on Hollywood and the media and entertainment sector, conditions are, if anything worse, for working women outside the limelight.

Most of Albanian citizens asked in a national poll in 2013 about whether Greece would like to see Albania in the European Union answered no, an answer that might sound expected in the context

of the difficult relationships but that actually sounds perplexing when compared to the past track record of relevant developments.

Serbia is in a position to pursue long-term sustainable ‘green growth’ strategies. Society in

Serbia can be mobilized around this goal, since green growth strategies are able to

simultaneously deliver on GDP growth, impairment of regional disparities and employment

creation, generating numerous, yet dispersed winners. Such development can be achieved

only as a path that genuinely responds to the needs of Serbian citizens. Public participation

in policy making, implementation, monitoring and evaluation are essential if such a policy is

to be pursued.

Launched in 2014 following the Juncker Declaration on enlargement and against the backdrop of key geopolitical challenges at the EU’s doorstep, the Berlin process is an initiative aimed at maintaining the momentum of European integration in the Western Balkans. Initially limited in time (2014-2018) and in scope, it has spread and become a multifaceted process with no foreseeable ending. Until now, it has only involved a few Member States (Germany, Austria, France, Italy, Croatia, Slovenia and more recently the UK), the 6 Western Balkan states aspiring to join the EU (i.e. the so-called WB6 group consisting of Albania, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Macedonia, Montenegro, …