Publications

Trenutnu situaciju u Crnoj Gori u vezi sa smanjenjem emisija gasova s efektom

staklene bašte (GHG) karakteriše mali broj stacionarnih izvora emisija GHG (na TE

Pljevlja i KAP zajedno otpada 90% ukupnih nacionalnih emisija GHG), veoma visok

udio sintetičkih gasova (F-gasova) u ukupnom bilansu emisija GHG, kao i visok nivo

ponora emisija CO2, kao posljedica velikog udjela šuma i šumskog zemljišta u

ukupnoj teritoriji države (cca 70%).

Belgrade and Pristina are under increasing international and domestic pressure to define their relations through a comprehensive normalization agreement. Both Serbian and Kosovo representatives in principle confirm their commitment to full normalization but have different and often conflicting understanding of it. For Serbian officials, a ‘comprehensive normalization’ could include “everything but recognition,” that Belgrade is willing to “recognize reality, but not independence.” But for Kosovo representatives, “independence is everything,” that normalization without recognition is inconceivable.

The Euro-Atlantic institutional framework is the future of the Western Balkans. Or, at least, that has been the mantra in Brussels and Washington for the better part of the last two decades. European integration, arguably the more complex of the two undertakings, has been prominent in the international community’s engagement in the region. Both Slovenia and Croatia are now EU members, and Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia are each official candidate countries, with Bosnia and Herzegovina’s application underway. But what of the Atlantic half of the integration process?

Traditionally, a right to tax exists and is theoretically justified only after the basic human needs are met. Accordingly, fair taxation implies that the ones who have more wealth, pay more taxes, and thus finance state and public services such as security, education or healthcare.

In March 2016, two measures ended what has been labeled the European refugee crisis – the closure of the so-called Balkan route and the agreement on the EU-Turkey statement. The EU’s shift in policy put an end to the Eastern Mediterranean migration route into the EU, but it did not result in a complete closure of the Balkan route.

A positive characteristic of Serbia is the institutional and legal framework regarding digital economy and society. This has been reflected with the adoption of the new Law on Telecommunication and other digital services which are in accordance with EU regulations. The population of Serbia quickly and spontaneously accepts the latest information and communication technologies. The main weaknesses are echoed in the slow implementation of the Law, high Internet access costs and other issues.

Re-forging bonds between the countries of the Western Balkans (and southeastern Europe more broadly) has been an overarching issue and policy goal since the breakup of Yugoslavia. Regional cooperation has been the hallmark of EU policy since the signing of the Stability Pact in 1999. Various efforts since then (free trade, energy and transport infrastructure, the fight against corruption and organized crime, youth cooperation) have included both the Western Balkans states themselves and also the EU, the U.S., neighboring countries, and key international institutions and organizations.

In the aftermath of Brexit referendum and after the Paris Summit, it is of utmost importance to

reflect over the progress achieved so far in the framework of the Berlin process (BP), its place

in the myriad of existing regional cooperation initiatives and platforms and the challenges

ahead. Three years after its inception and one year before its end, it is time to take stock of its

dynamics and to contribute with contextualized recommendations on its role to further enhance

regional cooperation in the Western Balkans (WB6), and to its contribution to the EU accession

path of the WB6 countries.