Publications

The left in Southeastern Europe is fragmented and characterized by significant mutual distrust between left and progressive political parties, donor funded or professional NGOs, and the emerging (populist or antagonistic) social movements and civil society in the region. The path towards democratic renewal in is necessarily predicated on a rapprochement between these three sides and the development of genuine forums, platforms, and channels for political organizing and mobilizing towards progressive policy objectives.

The recent change in government in Macedonia, a small (symbolic, yet important) step forward in

Bosnian-Serbian relations embodied by to the first Serbian presidential visit to Bosnia after six years,

and Montenegro’s final integration into NATO, have all provided a much needed dose of good news

in Southeast Europe.

This study offers a comparative overview of findings of youth surveys conducted between 2011 and 2015 by Friedrich-Ebert-Stiftung in nine countries of Southeast Europe (SEE). Survey results are indicative of young people’s perceptions of their wider social, economic and political contexts and the ways in which such contexts impact their transitions to adulthood.

The subject of this study is the broadest conceptual issue of how to arrive to a financial model that will allow a sustainable and stable method of financing the healthcare in Bosnia and Herzegovina,

thus creating the preconditions for making it high-quality and accessible to all citizens.

Just a day before a regular meeting of EU foreign ministers in late April 2015, a tragic incident occurred in the Mediterranean. Nearly 800 people drowned when an overcrowded fishing boat capsized off the coast of Libya on its way to Europe. The meeting was overshadowed by the scenes of bodies floating on the sea.

Trenutnu situaciju u Crnoj Gori u vezi sa smanjenjem emisija gasova s efektom

staklene bašte (GHG) karakteriše mali broj stacionarnih izvora emisija GHG (na TE

Pljevlja i KAP zajedno otpada 90% ukupnih nacionalnih emisija GHG), veoma visok

udio sintetičkih gasova (F-gasova) u ukupnom bilansu emisija GHG, kao i visok nivo

ponora emisija CO2, kao posljedica velikog udjela šuma i šumskog zemljišta u

ukupnoj teritoriji države (cca 70%).

Belgrade and Pristina are under increasing international and domestic pressure to define their relations through a comprehensive normalization agreement. Both Serbian and Kosovo representatives in principle confirm their commitment to full normalization but have different and often conflicting understanding of it. For Serbian officials, a ‘comprehensive normalization’ could include “everything but recognition,” that Belgrade is willing to “recognize reality, but not independence.” But for Kosovo representatives, “independence is everything,” that normalization without recognition is inconceivable.

The Euro-Atlantic institutional framework is the future of the Western Balkans. Or, at least, that has been the mantra in Brussels and Washington for the better part of the last two decades. European integration, arguably the more complex of the two undertakings, has been prominent in the international community’s engagement in the region. Both Slovenia and Croatia are now EU members, and Serbia, Montenegro, Macedonia are each official candidate countries, with Bosnia and Herzegovina’s application underway. But what of the Atlantic half of the integration process?